Five days before the delegates signed the Constitution, George Mason of Virginia, who helped draft the Virginia Bill of Rights, proposed that similar provisions precede the Constitution. This motion failed, as did Charles Pinckney and Elbridge Gerry, led by Massachusetts, two days later, who suggested „that freedom of the press should be inviolably respected“ (Farrand 1966:2:617). The three-fifths compromise was a compromise reached between state delegates at the 1787 United States Constitutional Convention. Delegates wondered whether and how slaves would be considered in determining the total population of a state, as this number would determine the number of seats a state has in the House of Representatives and the amount of tax it would pay. The compromise had three out of five slaves as a people, giving the southern states one-third more seats in Congress and one-third more electoral votes than if slaves had been ignored, but less than if slaves and free people had been counted equally. The compromise was proposed by Delegate James Wilson and supported by Charles Pinckney. :143 The Carolingians were, of course, quite capable of defending their own institution. Charles Pinckney, citing ancient Rome and Greece, said slavery „is justified by the example of the whole world.v He warned that any ban on the slave trade „would raise serious objections to the Constitution he wished to see adopted.“ 51 His cousin, General Pinckney, also declared his support for the Constitution, but noted that his „personal influence. it would be pointless to obtain the consent of his State of origin.
He believed that Virginia`s opposition to trade was more financial than moral. Virginia would „gain by stopping imports“ because „their slaves will increase in value and she has more than she wants.“ A trade ban would force South Carolina and Georgia to „federate“ under „unequal conditions.“ While Virginia could win, the nation as a whole would not win. More slaves would produce more goods, and this result would help not only the South, but also the states involved in the „transport trade.“ Pinckney regarded the slave trade only as an economic problem and considered it „reasonable“ for imported slaves to be taxed. But a ban on the slave trade would be „an exclusion of S. Carola from the Union.“ As he made clear at the beginning of his speech: „S. Carolina and Georgia cannot do without slaves. Rutledge and Butler added similar sentiments, as did Abraham Baldwin of Georgia and Williamson of North Carolina. 52 The August debates also show that the delegates from the North could have no illusions about the nature of the alliance they had made with the South. Delegates from the North could not have forgotten C.C.
Pinckney`s earlier assertion that „South Carolina and Georgia did not manage without slaves.“ While the „fathers liked to call [slavery] temporary,“ the evidence from the convention shows that they should have known better. 64 Throughout the Congress, delegates from slave states made no attempt to hide the fact that they believed that slavery would be a lasting part of their culture and society. No one who attended the Philadelphia Convention could believe that slavery in the South was „temporary.“ The placement of the fugitive slave clause in Article IV and not in Article I“. suggests that it was conceived as a limitation of state authority and not as an extension of federal power and responsibility. 9 Article IV defines the powers of the Länder and not the powers of the Federation. .